Sheikh Hasina

Bangladesh’s new outcasts: Students from ex-PM Hasina’s party now in hiding

Until August, they dominated college campuses and were accused of leading violent mobs against anti-Hasina protesters. Now they’re on the run – and angry at their party.

Sujon, a leader of the recently banned Bangladesh Chhatra League, stares into the distance from a spot on the outskirts of Dhaka. Sujon has been in hiding since the ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. The BCL is the student wing of Hasina's party

Dhaka, Bangladesh Since early August, 24-year-old Fahmi*, once a prominent figure on the vast campus of Dhaka University in Bangladesh's capital, has gone into hiding.

Fahmi was an active member of the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL), the student wing of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League (AL) party. The AL had held a tight grip on the country for over 15 years, until a student-led movement in August forced Hasina from power, prompting her to flee to neighboring India.

On Wednesday, Bangladesh's interim government, led by its only Nobel laureate, Muhammad Yunus, officially declared the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL) a "terrorist organization" and banned its activities. The Ministry of Home Affairs cited the BCL’s history of severe misconduct over the past 15 years, including violence, harassment, and misuse of public resources.

“Not long ago, I was a figure of authority here,” Fahmi, an undergraduate in applied chemistry, told News Guide. “Now, I’m on the run like a fugitive, with no clear future ahead.”

Fahmi’s story is emblematic of the thousands of students once aligned with the Awami League (AL). Their dominance on Bangladesh's campuses disintegrated overnight, leaving former campus powerbrokers and street enforcers of the AL facing eviction, retribution, and even imprisonment for their attempts to suppress the popular uprising against Hasina and for the alleged rights abuses committed under her rule.

Fahmi insists he did not directly take part in the government’s deadly crackdown during the anti-Hasina protests. “My sisters were involved in the demonstrations,” he said. “I believed in the cause as well, but I was bound by my obligations to the party.”

The deadly protests began in July when college students demanded the abolition of a controversial reservation system in government jobs, which they claimed unfairly favored supporters of the ruling party. Although Bangladesh’s top court eventually struck down the quota, the protests quickly evolved into a broader movement calling for the ouster of Hasina’s “autocratic” regime, widely accused of human rights violations.

The government’s response became one of the bloodiest chapters in Bangladesh’s history. Security forces brutally suppressed the protesters, using tear gas, beatings, and live ammunition against peaceful demonstrators, killing more than 1,000 people in just three weeks and arresting thousands more.

On August 5, as defiant crowds stormed key government buildings, including Hasina’s residence and parliament, the 77-year-old prime minister fled the country by military helicopter, seeking refuge in New Delhi.

Yet the violence did not end with Hasina’s departure. Those who had once committed state atrocities became targets themselves. Hundreds of Awami League politicians and members, including students, were attacked or killed. Many went into hiding or were arrested while trying to escape.

Fahmi recounted how anti-Hasina protesters set fire to his family’s home and cold storage business in Noakhali, 173km (107 miles) from Dhaka. “They threatened to make my younger brother disappear if he didn’t reveal where I was hiding,” he said. While the threat hasn't been carried out, Fahmi mentioned that his younger brother has faced bullying at the madrasa where he studies.

Reflecting on his involvement with the BCL, Fahmi admitted, “I was a good student, not particularly interested in politics, but at Dhaka University, hall politics was inescapable. You either joined or you suffered.” He acknowledged that becoming a BCL leader offered better chances of securing a government job—a valuable incentive in an increasingly competitive job market. This was especially important after his father's death two years ago, which left him responsible for his mother, two unmarried sisters, and younger brother.

However, his loyalty to the Awami League often came at the expense of his family. On August 15, 2022—just a day after his father passed away—he left his grieving family in Noakhali to attend a Dhaka event commemorating the death anniversary of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Hasina’s father and the leader of Bangladesh's independence movement from Pakistan.

“Looking back, I realize I prioritized the party’s approval over being there for my family,” Fahmi said with regret.

Now, while his former leader Hasina is safely in India, Fahmi lives under the constant threat of violence or arrest. He says this has left him feeling abandoned by both the party he once represented and the university where he is still a student.

“The salam [greetings] I gave and the countless hours I spent flattering our leaders and organizing rallies now feel worthless,” he said bitterly. “The party used us as political pawns but offered no protection when we needed it most. The regime collapsed suddenly, and escaping the angry mob that night was the hardest thing I’ve ever faced. Yet, none of the senior party leaders or even BCL’s student leaders have checked in on me.”

With his final year exams underway, Fahmi is unable to attend classes or complete his degree. “I wanted to join the civil service and serve the country,” he said. “But stepping on campus could lead to my arrest on fabricated charges—or worse, I could be beaten to death.”

Thousands in limbo

Fahmi's plight is not unique. The Awami League estimates that at least 50,000 of its student affiliates nationwide are now in limbo, grappling with the uncertainty of continuing their higher education.

Shahreen Ariana, a BCL leader from Rajshahi University, was arrested on October 18 on what her family describes as “fabricated charges.” She was detained while attempting to take a term-final exam. On the same day, Saikat Raihan, another BCL leader at Rajshahi University, was also arrested.

The district police claimed that both Ariana and Raihan had prior cases against them but refused to provide documentation to support their claim. Meanwhile, the university’s proctor, Mahbubur Rahman, told News Guide, “Other students refused to sit with any BCL leader during the exam.” To prevent "mob justice," Ariana and Raihan were handed over to the police. “We had to intervene,” he explained, “or the situation could have escalated.”

On October 25, two more BCL leaders, Abul Hasan Saidi, a finance student, and Kazi Shihab Uddin Taimur, an anthropology student, were arrested while taking exams at Dhaka University. University Proctor Saifuddin Ahmed stated, “There were existing cases against both students, and they were arrested accordingly.”

The violence against students affiliated with the Awami League has spread across campuses. On September 18, former Jahangirnagar University BCL activist Shamim Ahmed was beaten to death on the outskirts of the capital, while Masud, another BCL leader, was killed by a mob in Rajshahi on September 7.

“These are just the reported cases,” says Redwanul Karim Sagor, known as Sujon, a senior BCL leader who is now in hiding. Standing nearly six feet tall and wearing a crumpled black shirt and unpressed pants, Sujon appeared visibly disheveled during our interview, frequently asking if anyone else knew about the meeting. “There have been more killings, arrests, and fabricated charges against us, often in places we’ve never even been,” he said.

On October 25, two more BCL leaders, Abul Hasan Saidi, a finance student, and Kazi Shihab Uddin Taimur, an anthropology student, were arrested while taking their exams at Dhaka University. “There were existing cases against both students, and they were arrested accordingly,” said university Proctor Saifuddin Ahmed.

The violence targeting students affiliated with the Awami League has spread across campuses. On September 18, former Jahangirnagar University BCL activist Shamim Ahmed was beaten to death on the outskirts of the capital, while Masud, another BCL leader, was killed by a mob in Rajshahi on September 7.

“These are just the reported cases,” says Redwanul Karim Sagor, known as Sujon, a senior BCL leader who is now in hiding. Dressed in a crumpled black shirt and unpressed pants, with untrimmed hair, Sujon appeared anxious during our interview, repeatedly asking if anyone else was aware of the meeting. “There have been more killings, arrests, and fabricated charges against us, often in places we’ve never even been,” he said.

The interim government, which took power after Hasina fled, led by Nobel Laureate Dr. Muhammad Yunus, issued a gazette on October 23 officially banning the BCL under the Anti-Terrorism Act 2009—a law ironically introduced by Hasina’s own government soon after it took office in 2009.

This decision followed nationwide protests led by Students Against Discrimination (SAD), the student group that mobilized students against the Hasina government in July, along with other organizations demanding the BCL’s ban.

Abdul Hannan Masud, a founding member of SAD who previously called for this ban, stated, “The Chhatra League cannot operate in Bangladesh. All their members will be identified nationwide and brought to justice.”

In addition, police have filed a major case regarding the July 15 BCL-led attack on protesters, implicating 391 individuals, including former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and several BCL leaders. The case also mentions up to 1,000 unidentified individuals.

Since the student body's ban on October 23, officers from the Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) have confirmed to Al Jazeera the arrest of at least 10 BCL leaders in the city, with more than 100 student activists detained across the country.

“Almost all of these arrests stem from cases related to the July protests,” said a senior DMP official who requested anonymity. “They are based on no specific charges but rather on suspicion, largely due to their affiliation with the Chhatra League.”

In this turbulent environment, Sujon told News Guide that he now lives in a secret location.

We met on October 21 at a small, rundown café made of wood and bamboo, situated over a canal along a desolate road, far from any neighborhood. Occasionally, passing cars would stop. We settled into a corner bench under dim lighting, where Sujon frequently glanced out the window, his eyes reflecting his anxiety as he continuously drank glasses of water.

At one point, two cars pulled up outside, and their occupants paused briefly for water. As a broad-shouldered man stepped out, Sujon's expression tightened, his voice faltering momentarily before he resumed sharing his story.

“I grew up in a generation that only saw the Awami League in power. Aligning with them was the only option,” he explained.

Sujon was pursuing a bachelor's degree in physics at Rajshahi University and was just one exam away from graduation when the upheaval in August forced him into hiding.

Khalid Mahmud Chowdhury, a former minister in Hasina’s cabinet now in exile in India, criticized the interim government for the insecurity faced by BCL students. “This government claims to be building a discrimination-free Bangladesh,” he told Al Jazeera. “Yet it’s depriving thousands of students of their right to education.”

He argued that sidelining the BCL, the country’s largest student organization with an estimated 100,000 members, could have far-reaching consequences for Bangladesh. “How can Dr. Yunus hope to create a better future for the country while excluding such a significant segment of its youth?”

Chowdhury emphasized that his party remains committed to its members. “When the time is right, we will fight for their rights,” he asserted, “and ensure they can complete their education without fear.”

Azad Majumder, Muhammad Yunus’s deputy press secretary, told News Guide that “everyone is free to participate in regular academic activities unless they have criminal charges against them.”

However, when asked about the government’s measures to protect students from mob violence or arbitrary arrests, he replied, “I have nothing to add.”

Rahman, the university proctor, emphasized that the campus violence that characterized the BCL's dominance should not recur in "new" Bangladesh. “Authorities are committed to ensuring that all students can graduate without encountering violence,” he stated, adding that investigations are underway to identify those responsible for the violence that occurred on campus from July 15 to August 5.

“Any students found guilty will face disciplinary action under the university’s code of conduct,” he added.

Reversal of fortunes

For over a decade, the BCL maintained an iron grip on university campuses. The Chhatra Dal, the student wing of the largest opposition party, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, managed to hold a presence but was often on the defensive. Meanwhile, the Islami Chhatra Shibir, the student body of Jamaat-e-Islami, Bangladesh's largest Muslim party, was forced underground.

Numerous media reports over the past 16 years have documented instances of students being driven off campuses—tortured or even gruesomely murdered—by BCL members on suspicion of ties to the Shibir. In August, the Hasina government banned the Shibir under the same anti-terror law now being used against the BCL.

However, the ban on the Shibir has since been lifted by the Yunus government, and the dynamics have shifted dramatically. Opposition student organizations are now reclaiming control across campuses, turning the tables on the BCL.

“BCL created a system of modern slavery,” said Abu Shadik, president of the Chhatra Shibir’s Dhaka University unit—the first publicly declared Shibir committee in decades. “Students had to align with the BCL to secure dormitory accommodations; dissenters faced a living hell. Some joined for survival, while others sought personal gain.”

“All BCL operatives who repressed students or participated in the July violence must be brought to justice. The common students have rejected them from society,” he told Al Jazeera. “Even those who didn’t directly attack but chose to remain silent share the blame. To reconcile, they must acknowledge BCL’s 16 years of brutality, the July ‘genocide,’ and seek forgiveness. Only then can reintegration be considered.”

In a separate conversation, Nahiduzzaman Shipon, general secretary of the BNP’s Dhaka University unit, recounted the violent reign of the BCL on campus. “The Awami League transformed the BCL into a tool for rigging votes, suppressing dissent, and circumventing the law,” he stated.

Shipon added that the BCL wielded sickles, machetes, and firearms against their peers. “After 2009, many Chhatra Dal (BNP) members were tortured and forced off campuses, their education cut short.”

While precise figures on BCL-related killings are unavailable, opposition estimates suggest that the death toll reaches the hundreds.

Despite the turmoil, Shipon maintains that his party, the BNP, is not advocating for vigilante justice against BCL members.

“Any student without criminal charges is welcome back to campus, regardless of their political affiliations,” he stated. “However, those who resorted to brutality as political enforcers must be held accountable under Bangladeshi law.”

The very law that students like Fahmi once wielded has now turned against them.