"Confident in her grip, she believed it unbreakable. Yet Bangladeshis would soon demonstrate its fragility."
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, once a symbol of democratic hope in Bangladesh, grew increasingly autocratic and faced her downfall during a crackdown on protesters.
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's life and political career were profoundly shaped by early personal tragedy with far-reaching national consequences.
In 1975, her father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the charismatic founding leader of Bangladesh, along with most of their family, was tragically killed in a military coup. Sheikh Hasina, who was abroad at the time, was forced into exile in India.
Her eventual return and rise to prime minister symbolized Bangladesh's aspirations for a brighter, more democratic future. Initially celebrated for her secular stance as a Muslim woman, she tackled challenges including military interference, Islamist extremism, and economic reform in a country plagued by poverty.
However, over time, her leadership grew increasingly authoritarian, stifling dissent and projecting a sense of entitlement that seemed to regard Bangladesh as her rightful legacy. Finally, after years of repressive rule, a vast protest movement compelled her resignation. Facing intense pressure, she fled into exile once again.
The culmination of public anger was starkly evident as student-led protesters, incensed by her harsh crackdown on peaceful demonstrations, stormed her official residence, looted its contents, defaced her portraits, and even vandalized statues of her father throughout the city. Attacks on her party officials' homes and offices underscored the depth of public disillusionment with her regime.
On Monday, protesters in Dhaka, Bangladesh, tried to topple a statue of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Ms. Hasina’s father.
Ms. Hasina's abrupt departure comes just months after she secured a fourth consecutive five-year term in office, believing her grip on power was unbreakable. In her wake, she leaves Bangladesh once again plunged into chaos and violence, reminiscent of the turmoil present at its inception when her father helped bring the nation into being.
Beyond the immediate jubilation among protesters over her departure lie more concerning questions.
For now, this country of 170 million appears leaderless. Law enforcement agencies, which killed at least 300 protesters, have been discredited. The deep animosities between Ms. Hasina’s party and the opposition are unlikely to fade soon, with many seeking revenge for years of harsh suppression under her rule. There is also a fear that the political vacuum could allow a resurgence of Islamist militancy within Bangladesh society.
"We are finally free of a dictatorial regime," said Shahdeen Malik, a prominent constitutional lawyer and legal activist in Dhaka, the capital. "Previously, we had military dictators, but this civilian dictator was even more autocratic."
Mr. Malik noted that during Ms. Hasina's initial term as prime minister in the late 1990s, she was a breath of fresh air. At that time, Bangladesh’s politics were rife with coups, counter-coups, and assassinations. Ms. Hasina championed democracy, and her party endeavoured to act with greater accountability.
However, after her return to power in 2009—following electoral defeat, exile, and a life-threatening attack that killed over 20 people—she seemed driven by darker instincts. She perceived her opponents as extensions of the forces that had caused her enduring trauma.
Determined to shape Bangladesh according to her father's vision, who had been accused of attempting to turn the country into a one-party state before his assassination, Ms. Hasina framed nearly everything within that context. It was as if the country had never moved past those tumultuous days.
People searching for items in the prime minister’s residence in Dhaka on Monday.
Her father’s presence was ubiquitous. She hailed her supporters as heirs to the legacy of Bangladesh's liberation from Pakistan—when the nation gained independence—and vilified her adversaries as traitors from that historic conflict.
"It is undeniable that she endured nearly the highest degree of trauma—the loss of her entire family," Mr. Malik remarked. "We have always perceived that her personal suffering influenced her political actions and decisions."
In recent times, Ms. Hasina’s authority rested on two main pillars: ruthlessly suppressing the opposition to stifle their ability to mobilize, and establishing a pervasive patronage network that shielded her and served its own interests in return.
When questioned about her tactics, she often pointed out that the political opposition had previously subjected her to worse treatment, and public sympathy for her traditional rivals remained limited. Yet, it was evident that the true measure of her authority would hinge on everyday concerns beyond political manoeuvring.
In the lead-up to last year's election, signs emerged that the opposition was regrouping around the stagnant economy. Ms. Hasina's reputation as the architect of Bangladesh's economic revival had eroded, particularly as the nation's heavy reliance on the garment industry was exposed, and social inequality deepened. Soaring food prices and dangerously low foreign reserves underscored the mounting economic challenges.
Despite economic challenges, her government managed to navigate through, supported by diplomatic and economic alliances with China and India during times of need. Leveraging control over security forces, she stifled opposition momentum, entangling her adversaries in numerous court cases heard by judges aligned with her interests.
A helicopter believed to be carrying Ms. Hasina flew above Dhaka on Monday.
The student protest that erupted last month began over what seemed like a minor issue: a quota system that granted preferential treatment in government jobs. However, this anger was a manifestation of broader economic distress.
In response to the demonstrations, the 76-year-old Ms. Hasina turned to her familiar repressive tactics that had quashed previous challenges. This time, however, it would lead to her downfall.
Initially, she dismissed the students, labelling them as descendants of those who had betrayed Bangladesh during the war of independence her father had led. When this infuriated the students, she escalated to a crackdown.
She deployed her party’s aggressive youth wing to confront the previously peaceful protesters. As clashes ensued, she increased the force on the streets, involving the police, the army, and even the Rapid Action Battalion, an antiterrorism unit accused of torture and disappearances.
Her position grew precarious as the streets descended into carnage in late July, resulting in over 200 deaths, primarily of students and young people. She intensified the crackdown by declaring a curfew, cutting off the internet, imprisoning 10,000 people, and accusing tens of thousands more of crimes. Although the protest movement seemed dispersed, the situation remained volatile.
“As the crackdown intensified, Naomi Hossain, a scholar of Bangladesh at the School of Oriental and African Studies, remarked, ‘Ultimately, if this situation persists, people will be silenced. How long can you continue protesting when your friends are being gunned down? The cost may be so severe that support for Ms. Hasina could entirely evaporate.’
When the curfew and communication blackout were lifted, it became evident that the protest movement had not been extinguished. Instead, it had grown, now demanding accountability for the earlier violence.”
A drone photo showed crowds assembled around Bangladesh’s Parliament House. In a national address, Army Chief Gen. Waker-Uz-Zaman announced the establishment of an interim government to manage the country.
On Sunday, protesters assembled in their largest numbers yet. In response, Ms. Hasina employed force once again, resulting in nearly 100 deaths in the deadliest single day of the protests. It was evident that the fear she had long instilled was beginning to wane.
As protesters planned a march on her residence for the following day, Ms. Hasina's response was defiant—she urged the nation “to curb anarchists with iron hands.”
By early Monday morning, roads leading to her Dhaka residence were heavily barricaded, the internet was shut down, and public transport was halted. Security forces struggled to contain the large crowds at the city gates.
However, by midday, it became clear that these measures were merely delaying tactics. Ms. Hasina had resigned and was preparing to leave the country, while the army chief was engaged in consultations with political parties to establish an interim government.
Grainy cellphone videos captured Ms. Hasina exiting a black SUV at a military airbase, where a helicopter awaited her. She departed for India, where she is anticipated to remain temporarily before moving on to another location, likely London.
In a national address, Army Chief Gen. Waker-uz-Zaman declared the end of her rule and vowed “justice for all the murders and wrongdoings.”
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina resigned and fled Bangladesh under mounting pressure from an expanding protest movement infuriated by her government’s lethal crackdowns.
The protesters' jubilation was immediate. They flooded the streets and stormed her residence, taking selfies and souvenirs. One protester left with a plant, another with some chickens, and yet another with a single plate. One even took a giant fish from the prime ministerial pond.
However, as night fell, signs of lingering anger became apparent. Protesters tore down statues of Ms. Hasina’s father, set fire to the museum dedicated to him (located at the site of his assassination), and attacked the homes of her ministers and party officials. Reports also surfaced of attacks on the homes and places of worship of minority Hindus, raising concerns that the Islamist elements she had suppressed might now be emboldened.
“It will not be enough for Sheikh Hasina to flee,” said Nahid Islam, a student protest leader who had been detained and tortured twice during the crackdown. “We will bring her to justice.”
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